Hunger for Power

Written as a final paper for Prof. Eric Bell in his food/culture course at SUNY NY - 2008

“The destiny of nations depends on the manner wherein they take their food”

–Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin

> Classic cartoon showing the carving up of China by imperial powers in 1890 <

TO PARAPHRASE noted food writer Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin, the way people are able to eat can be a force as great as any weapon. This can be illustrated with the simple examples of physically fit people accomplishing arduous tasks or, conversely, starving people being too physically weak to fight back. Hungry people have also been known to revolt well before starvation leads to death.

In this paper, I review historical examples of how food has been linked to those who are in power. My research is specifically concerned with the way powerful political, imperial or military leaders eat, as well as how they have distributed food to others. In my readings it appears that actions involving food can be used as a very good barometer for uncovering a leader’s true objectives (instead of the “talking points” they might profess in public), as well as the potential for a regime’s success or failure (Franklin D. Roosevelt’s three terms in office versus Mussolini’s public execution, for example).

Resources for this paper were gathered from the Library of Empire-SUNY, San Jose State University, the Internet, and the author’s personal collection. Primary sources include Carol Helstosky’s Garlic and Oil: Politics and Food in Italy, Paul Erdkamp’s Hunger and the Sword: Warfare and Food Supply in Roman Republican Wars and Marie Chan’s Excursions in Chinese Culture.

“Hunger is more savage than the sword”

Many stories have been written about the excessive personal food habits of ancient Roman emperors and military leaders. In contrast to the peasant population’s meager diet of grain, Roman leaders “lived for their palate alone” (Jacobs, p. 27) and, to paraphrase Seneca, ate with the goal of vomiting (p. 26). In his book, Salt, author Mark Kurlansky recounts Roman cuisine as one of “opulence” in service and decadence in ingredients: dishes might consist of meat taken from “a virgin sow or, as Pliny the elder suggested, one whose first litter was aborted” (Kurlansky, p. 61).

Surprisingly, it may not have been extreme dining habits, but the need to provide food for others, that led to the end of the Roman Empire. How provisions were found and distributed to the vast number of Roman troops took an enormous amount of time and effort. “The means of acquisition that ensured the Romans most of their provisions were based on political rights or military power” which directly “siphoned off resources from the communities” (Erdkamp, p. 299-301). In the hardest of times, when taxes and policy failed the supply chain, hungry members of the military resorted to pillaging orchards and gardens (p. 299). After decades of this behavior, food production and distribution declined to the extent that many Romans died and “others succumbed to the diseases that accompanied malnutrition” (p. 303-304).

This would not be the last example of Italian food supply being closely linked to the loss of power for a regime. In the early 1920s, Benito Mussolini led the Italian fascist party to victory. As one of his projects to assure continued power, Mussolini decreed that there should be less reliance on imported food supplies. Seeking to control how (and how much) Italians ate, Mussolini used everything from propaganda to trade restrictions to force change on an “unwilling population” (Helstosky, p. 4). The party even tried to “nationalize Italian cuisine” using news articles that encouraged the exclusive purchase of Italian-made products and restricted the use of English culinary terms as benign as “toast” (p. 86-87).

As the war years lingered on, the Italian people grew tired of low food supplies, high prices and lack of choice in the marketplace. It probably didn’t help matters when Il Duce appeared in propaganda pieces where abundant food was displayed (p. 4). In one of the world’s most food-obsessed cultures, the Italian people became bored with what had become a bland cuisine (p. 82) – rationing restricted purchases of even basic items like rice, pasta, flour, oil, sugar and coffee (p. 106). Eventually, many Italians were literally starving – a fact Fascist propaganda disputed by altering nutrient and caloric intake standards to meet “Italian circumstance”(1) (p. 100). In the end, Italians just got plain angry and demanded change: letters were sent to the government complaining about food policy, protests erupted (p. 121-122), and the price of bread sent Neapolitan bakers out on strike (p. 69).

By the end of the war, Italians felt “food [had come] to represent all that was wrong with” Mussolini’s fascist government (p. 93). In 1945, “His Excellency Benito Mussolini, Head of Government, Duce of Fascism, and Founder of the Empire” was executed. Il Duce’s body was hung outside a gas station so the general public could see with their own eyes that the person who had orchestrated their starvation was dead.

Cixi: China’s Empress Dowager

> Cixi’s gold, silver & ivory chopsticks on display at the Forbidden City <

“The most controversial and the most powerful person in nineteenth-century China,” Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi (commonly referred to as “Cixi”), ruled Imperial China from 1835 until 1908 (Pao Tao, p. 218). Historians acknowledge the woman’s unusual and admirable success in dominating the political landscape of a patriarchal society, however, Cixi is also remembered as being “ruthless,” “evil,” “shrewd,” “obstinate” and “tyrannical” (p. 216). In addition, it appears that Cixi shared yet another tendency of many world leaders throughout history: she was a glutton(2).

In the book Two Years in the Forbidden City, Princess Der Ling recalls her experiences as First Lady in Waiting to China’s Empress Dowager. Arriving at the Summer Palace in 1903, the princess received food sent by “Her Majesty,” but actually delivered by eunuchs who “came and brought milk to drink and about twenty or more dishes of various kinds” (Der Ling, p. 16). Later, Der Ling watched Cixi eat snacks before lunch – “about one hundred and fifty different kinds” – served again by eunuchs who carried in silver bowls stuffed with goodies (p. 36). In addition to the plentiful bowls of savories, Court ladies next carried in boxes and plates full of: “all sorts of sweets, lotus flower seeds, dried and cooked with sugar, watermelon seeds, walnuts cooked in different ways, and fruits of the season cut and sliced” (p. 37). After washing these copious snacks down with tea, Cixi was served her lunch meal! Eating with chopsticks made from silver and ivory, the empress moved on to consume “pork cooked in ten different ways,” “pancake made of eggs” and mushrooms, shark fin soup, duck, chicken (stuffed with pine needles), bread (“baked, steamed, fried” in dragon shapes), pickles and cakes made with beans and peas (p. 40-42).

At the same time Empress Cixi sat gorging on hundreds of platters of fancy food, the majority of the population of China lived in near poverty with people struggling to put basic food stuffs on the table. Writers, including Pearl S. Buck in her classic novel The Good Earth, have documented this period in China’s history. These writers link the famine and poverty throughout the country to the series of rebellions that led to the end of the Ching Dynasty. The fact that technological and cultural advances had, by then, also begun to allow photographic and written records of the Empress’ food practices to be widely disseminated, may have equally contributed to the change in people’s acceptance of The Forbidden City’s extravagances. Today, the memory of the great Empress Dowager is not much more than a cultural joke: her likeness appears outside Beijing’s most popular dumpling restaurant where she looks very much like the primary-colored fiberglass Ronald McDonald sitting outside burger chain outlets world-wide.

> The glutton-Dowager Cixi seated outside a popular Beijing dumpling restaurant <

Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner?

The American example of power-dining begins with the first President, George Washington, who complained that the pre-presidency Mount Vernon home he shared with his wife Martha had become “little better than a well resorted inn” (Kimball, p. 18). Guests were so frequent and large in number that although the couple owned over one hundred cows, they often had to purchase butter from local merchants (p. 18). To paraphrase statements by guests of the time, meals were ample but unexpectedly informal, and Washington wanted to share as much of what he had as he could – as long as it didn’t encourage “idleness” in the people he served (a sentiment still heard today when it is used as ammunition against contemporary welfare and food stamp policies). A French visitor to the Mount Vernon household remarked that dining at the home had “an air of simplicity,” and was “not ostentatious” (p. 23). However, by the time President George and First Lady Martha had moved on to the new U.S. capital, meals had taken on an air of elegance and the couple “entertained in a very handsome style” (p. 28). One early Presidential meal was recorded as featuring plaster of Paris sculptures holding dishes containing “an elegant variety of roast beef, veal, turkey, ducks, fowls, hams, etc.; puddings, jellies, oranges, apples, nuts, almonds, figs, raisins, and a variety of wines and punch” (p 29.) By following French fashion at the White House, a first chance to establish a unique, non-French-inspired version of what good dining means was lost. At the time of this writing, the same discussion about what is good American food/dining continues: in an Associated Press piece posted on the internet, the topic of who the new White House chef will be under the Obama administration is excitedly discussed – including how state dinners will be handled and what message the chef’s background sends to the rest of the world (Ramer, 2008).

Looking back to America circa-1901, the twenty-sixth Caucasian President, Theodore Roosevelt, caused furor when inviting a former slave, Booker T. Washington, to dinner. By then a well-respected educator, Mr. Washington became the first Black man to dine at the White House. According to a writer for Time Magazine, when the press learned of the meal – shared with Roosevelt’s wife Edith – the president was “accused of promoting ‘social equality,’ which some feared would encourage intermarriage of white women and black men” (Hamilton, 2006). Newspapers of the day printed headlines which modern society considers distastefully racist, including, “Roosevelt Dines A Darkey,” as well as “Our Coon-Flavore President.” Time writer Hamilton also notes that although Roosevelt indignantly remarked he would invite the man back to dine, “just as often as I please,” the President never did extend a second invitation. The lack of further invitation, and Roosevelt’s later statements regarding the trial of all-black soldiers – “They ought to be hung” – caused historian Louis Harlan to remark that “any illusions about Roosevelt’s benevolence created by the dinner at the White House” should be dismissed (Hamilton, 2006). Roosevelt’s true convictions – what is remembered as the “real” Roosevelt – were not displayed as he sat with Booker T. Washington at the dining room table, but instead, by statements Roosevelt made in the Oval Office.

> FDR & Eleanor (The First Ladies Cookbook) <

The second president Roosevelt, Teddy’s son, popularly known as “FDR,” followed Herbert Hoover into the White House at the height of America’s Great Depression(3) and continuing well into World War II. Although FDR and his wife, Eleanor, entertained tens of thousands of visitors during three terms in office, the food served at the White House during this 12-year period was roundly criticized (Haber, 107-130). Their housekeeper, Henrietta Nesbitt, planned the meals, and “staunchly defended her uninspired menus by saying that the White House had to follow rationing rules the same as everyone else” (White House). FDR was born into an extremely wealthy family with mansions located up and down the East Coast. He was surely exposed to some of the world’s finest cuisine, yet he let Ms. Nesbitt continue to serve her bland and frugal offerings – perhaps as a signal of solidarity to the life being led at the time by other U.S. citizens. It should be noted, however, that behind the scenes, Roosevelt was far from happy with Nesbitt’s food. When Eleanor complained to him about the masses of mail she needed to respond to – including White House recipe requests – the president reportedly laughed and “said she ought to send some of Henrietta Nesbitt’s recipes for brains and sweetbreads…That would certainly dry up requests for recipes in a hurry” (Haber, p. 112-113).

The Politics of Dining

Throughout history there are many examples of powerful people eating in ways that the rest of the world considers to be “over the top” – for example, the type of excessive consumption practiced by the husband-wife team of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos whose “narcissistic” personalities and behavior eventually led to the 1986 downfall of their Philippine government (Post, p. 108-109). The Marcos’ ate and drank freely in their elegantly furnished dining hall at the same time government surveys showed 80-percent of the poorest Filipino children were seriously malnourished (Time, 1979). In his book, Somoza Falling, author Anthony Lake (former director of policy planning in the Carter administration) recounts excessive food consumed at political meals while aid for the poor (e.g., food and medical supplies) was being stolen by members of the Nicaraguan Somoza regime (Lake, p. 256). In North Korea, where much of the population is reportedly suffering from severe food shortages, the country’s leader, Kim Jong II, buys almost a million dollars of Hennessy cognac each year (Williamson). Jong’s former personal chef, who escaped to Japan in 2001, has written a book about his years of service which included flying to Iran to purchase caviar and later to Czechoslovakia for cases of the leader’s favorite beer (Fujimoto). In 2007, a German farmer sent twelve giant rabbits to North Korea in the hope that breeding the rare – but supersized – animals could help alleviate starvation in the general population. News reports of the time note that the animals may, instead, have been roasted and served up at Kim Jong’s birthday banquet (Crossland). In late summer 2008, the Chinese people were appalled to learn to that “baby formula and other milk products tainted with an industrial chemical that can cause kidney stones and kidney failure” had sickened “tens of thousands of children” and killed at least four babies (Chang). Equally appalling were reports of a Special Food Supply Center that had been established to provide food products to “senior politicians or government offices and not released to the general consumer market” (Chang). Reportedly, the center’s customers include “hundreds of top political leaders, their families and retired cadres” who have special access to “goods deemed to meet the highest standards” (Chang). Despite these extreme examples, there are times when out-of-the-ordinary eating by the elite/powerful can have substantive purpose. It can be argued that fancy state dinners and other official functions are perfectly acceptable since, as Lake makes the point in Somoza Falling, “Much of diplomacy is representation” and an impressive spread represents a nation/ruler well (p. 95). State dinners and such, it seems, are about much more than nourishment. These events are an opportunity for the host to showcase products made in their home country, the country’s history, its status and wealth. The meal becomes a highly symbolic event that makes “a public statement about prestige” (Dietler, p. 80). You could make the comparison of a male peacock shaking his beautiful tail feathers to excite and inspire the female of the species. Showing off impressive cutlery is a similar tactic, however, the goal of the White House, Buckingham Palace and/or the Kremlin is to attract new trade partners or perhaps ensure the end of nuclear testing.

> President Nixon(4) at an elaborate state dinner in Beijing (Time Magazine, 1976) <

Even with the best intentions, however, the lifestyle portrayed at such elaborate events, when made known to the general public, does have a tendency to cause feelings of inequality between those who have, and those who have not (p. 80). The sight of tables piled high with copious quantities of food sends the message that people inside the palace or embassy have no concern for the plight of hungry local people. Isn’t this the very essence of the infamous “let them eat cake” message Marie Antoinette may or may not have uttered(5)? In author Lake’s book about the Somoza government, he asks a very important question: “Would it not be better for our representatives to live more modestly abroad” (p. 94) and, also when they are at home? Showing off wealth when people are losing their houses is, at best, seen as insensitive. When champagne and caviar are flaunted ostentatiously in a country where children are dying of hunger (or tainted food products), the act passes into the realm of downright disgusting. Any leader needs to understand that, as historical data presents, this kind of ill-conceived dining display ignites angry passions that can bring down an entire nation.

Conclusion

Power and food have always been linked. Animals and humans share the experience that the most powerful amongst us preys and feeds upon the best selection of food. Having strength also allows the hunter to provide for others, and by feeding ones family and community, a provider holds power over others. Powerful human leaders can additionally shape the way their constituents eat by controlling food sources through suggestion (home gardens celebrated as a war time alternative), through decree (trade agreements), through religious interpretations that affect the consumption of products (fish or pork), and, through supply. Food supply issues go beyond what the general public finds on store shelves. As the 14th century writer Vegetius said, “to distress the enemy more by famine than the sword is a mark of consummate skill,” and “armies are more often destroyed by starvation than battle” (Erdkamp, p. 1-8). Starving the enemy, or keeping service member’s bellies full, can mean the difference between a successful or compromised war(6). Perhaps it is the knowledge of this kind of wartime history that leads many cultures to believe their powerful leaders have earned the right to better or more food stuffs. These leaders and their representatives in battle work hard for us (we hope). So, we honor their rank and status with the meatiest goods available (Lokuruka, 201). Excluding the formal state dinner and such, the general populace in the United States today tends to believe that the countries’ leaders should share the fundamental beliefs (and foods) of the countries’ citizens. No matter how we felt about his other failures and accomplishments, we seemingly loved the sight of Bill Clinton running into McDonald’s for a Big Mac(7). What we are “fed” by the media about our leaders, however, may not always be the truth. As food writer Amanda Hesser wrote when discussing early-twentieth-century Louisiana Senator Huey Long, part of the reason Long stayed in power was because he understood that the “people trust a politician who appears to eat the same foods they do” (Hesser, p. 68). Long may have lived a large and colorful life in private, but he practiced eating as the common folk did whenever he was in public. In today’s world where it seems every move of our leaders is documented for instant playback on YouTube, the public can watch and quickly review how and what those in power are eating. When we see that what is really being consumed is something that has been taken away from us – and which leaves us starving as the leader gorges – we can begin to expose a cruel and ruthless leader who, history shows, will eventually fail.

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Notes

(1) The party “enlisted the aid of scientific experts to defend austere consumption levels as sound nutritional practice” and distributed this propaganda to the general public. Author Helstosky relates that in 1932 the British Medical Association was advising sedentary workers to consume 3,400 calories per day, yet party committee members claimed a mere 2,500 calories was perfectly adequate for laborers (p. 100-101).

(2) Kings of ancient Egypt and Persia, warriors of Greece and Mesopotamia, as well as more recent examples of European aristocracy including Henry the VIII of England were known to feast for days at a time (Jacobs, p. 15-28)

(3) While in office, FDR established the federal WPA (Works Progress Administration) that funded all sorts of public works including the Illinois Writer’s Project – which allowed Nelson Algren to travel the United States to research and write his classic book, “America Eats” (Algren, 1992).

(4) Nixon stated in public that he intended “to put an end to hunger in America for all time,” yet, in private, he told aides to “use all the rhetoric you need, as long as it doesn’t cost money” (Levenstein, p. 154)

(5) Self-proclaimed “world’s smartest human” and syndicated columnist, Cecil Adams, has written that “Writer Alphonse Karr in 1843 claimed that the line originated with a certain Duchess of Tuscany in 1760 or earlier, and that it was attributed to Marie Antoinette in 1789 by radical agitators who were trying to turn the populace against her.”

(6) In contrast, it is said that Che Guevara, in solidarity to the plight of the Cuban people during food shortages, “went without eating” (Sala).

(7) These beliefs are changing, and American chef Alice Waters, for example, is being touted as a possible White House chef due to her beliefs in sustainable and organic practices. To quote Waters, the President and family need someone “who is principled and who believes in live, nutritious food” (Burros).

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